Buddhism in Khusqaikama
Main Article: Religion in Khusqaikama
Buddhism was introduced to Khusqaikama in the early 6th century by Korean immigrants and quickly spread throughout the islands. Khusqaian Buddhism is a variety of Mahāyāna Buddhism with Indian, Chinese, and indigenous (non-Buddhist) influences. It deviates in important respects from the dominant currents of Buddhism in neighboring countries. From the democratization in 1991 until recently, the Buddhist Middle Path Party has been the largest and most influential party in Khusqaian politics.
history of Buddhism in Khusqaikama
Buddhism was introduced to Khusqaikama in the early 6th century by Korean immigrants. From the second half of that century (until approximately the end of the 9th century) an increasing number of Khusqaians went to China to study, and a small number of those even traveled to India. The exact number is unknown. There were 2 at least (see below), but there may have been 6 or even a few more Khusqaian monks who traveled to India in the 7th century. Conversely, Chinese and Korean monks settled on the islands and founded monasteries.
Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra
Around 650, the brothers Taŋmicri (䬫廸) and Taŋmaśra (䬫學) studied for over a decade at various Chinese monasteries. They are only known under their Buddhist monk names, which they most likely adopted after returning to Khusqaikama. Neither their real names, nor their birthplace or date is known. It is, however, commonly assumed that they descended from fishermen families because of their investigative and critical spirits, which is reflected in the fact that they studied at many different monasteries. In china, they studied Wei-shi (唯識), Tian-tai (天台), Hua-yan (華嚴), and Chan (Zen; 禪), but got disappointed after a few years of study every time, turning to another monastery and another school.
Eventually, they managed to board a ship sailing for India where they attended the Nālandā university. At the time, four schools of thought were taught in Nālandā, but the brothers focused their attention on (parts and aspects of) Yogācāra (on which the Chinese Wei-shi (唯識) school was based), Sautrāntika, and Mādhyamaka. According to some hagiographies, they were among the best students of the Yogācāra logician/epistemologist Dharmakīrti, but partially because it is not known when Dharmakīrti taught at Nālandā, and because there were approximately 10,000 students and 2000 teachers at Nālandā, modern historians doubt whether he even ever met the brothers. Nevertheless, from Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra's notes and writings it is clear that the Yogācāra logicians/epistemologists (especially Dharmakirti and Dignāga) made a great impression on them. To a lesser extent the same was true for some other writings from that school (particularly those by Asaṅga and Vasubandhu). However, while Yogācāra was idealist, they often interpreted these text from a realist rather than idealist point of view, which was possibly the result of their prior Chinese education.
When they finally returned to Khusqaikama, Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra brought a large number of Indian philosophical texts with them, including many of the key Yogācāra (epistemological and other) texts, but also texts by Nāgārjuna and a few Chinese Buddhist writings. After they return, they founded the monastery Pagärnarantaaxŭaŋ (新那蘭陀院; 'New Nālandā school'). The younger brother Taŋmaśra taught many students at this monastery, but Taŋmicri died within a year after their return.
Allegedly, before his death, Taŋmicri wrote the Hua-dau fei-zhong-dau (華道非中道) in Classical Chinese. Contemporary historians consider this text a falsification, however. Nevertheless, the Hua-dau fei-zhong-dau has been very influential. The title means literally 'the flower path is not the middle path', but this character for flower 華 can also mean 'China' and occurs in the name of the influential Chinese school of Buddhism 'Hua-yan' (華嚴). 'Middle path' is another name for 'Buddhism'. Hence, the real meaning of the title is 'the Chinese path/teaching is not Buddhism'. The text is a long argument against Chinese Buddhism and in favor of a somewhat idiosyncratic interpretation of and eclectic mix of parts and aspects of Indian Buddhism (mostly Yogācāra).
The first reliable reference to the Hua-dau fei-zhong-dau dates from the 10th century, when it played a central role in an ideological conflict between students of Chinese and Indian Buddhism in Khusqaikama. Most likely, it was written around that time to support the 'Indian side' in that conflict. That conflict, and many other conflicts within Buddhism, such as the one between philosophy and religion, was never really solved in Khusqaikama, but sometimes buried for shorter or longer time. There always were different currents, and to some extent, many monasteries even allowed different schools within their walls.
Toucoŋ and Ärtucoŋ
The conflicts within Khusqaian Buddhism slowly lead to the establishment of two 'meta-currents', that is two larger sects that functioned as organizational and ideological cores of larger families of schools, currents, ideas, and monasteries, schools, and tempels. These two 'meta-currents' were Toucoŋ (内宗, 'inner school') and Ärtucoŋ (外宗, 'outer school'). Toucoŋ was more focused on Indian Buddhism, very heterodox, and very theoretical (and drew most of its students/monks from fishing towns). Ärtucoŋ was influenced more by Chinese Buddhism, focused more on religion than philosophy, and much more practical (and drew most its students/monks from farming areas). While Toucoŋ monasteries were primarily centers of learning with little other social functions, Ärtucoŋ temples focused much more on rituals and services for the general population. Among the general population, Buddhism became more or less synonymous with Ärtucoŋ.
The two schools gradually developed a more or less symbiotic relationship. Generally, the dominant trends in Toucoŋ became orthodoxy in Ärtucoŋ, and in that way, the theoretical base of Ärtucoŋ was provided by Toucoŋ monks. Toucoŋ itself, on the other hand, lacked any singular theoretical framework. Rather, debate between currents, theories and ideas was part of the identity of the Toucoŋ monasteries and sect. Furthermore, most Toucoŋ monks were Ärtucoŋ novices first.
Relatively rich people paid for Ärtucoŋ rituals hoping to ascertain advantageous rebirth (or the end thereof), and rulers requested rituals for protection of the state, or for good harvests. Many people left some of their possessions to monasteries after their death. These sources of income made especially the Ärtucoŋ school increasingly rich and powerful leading to recurring conflicts between Ärtucoŋ and ruling elites (which often were more strongly influenced by Chinese philosophy and/or Caxamiśrakĭaŭ than by Buddhism). Because of the principal pacifism of Khusqaian Buddhism, the monasteries were never able to do much against heavy taxation or dispossession of their wealth.
Despite the 'symbiosis' between Toucoŋ and Ärtucoŋ, relations were not always peaceful, and both schools occasionally fell apart, but every time the Buddhist landscape in Khusqaikama returned to the symbiotic polarity between these two schools, and this became one of its defining characteristics.
organization and practice
After a novice first enters a monastery to become a monk or nun, the first year or years are spend to learning basic rituals and ideas, and to find the most appropriate monastery for that novice. The abbot of the monastery where that novice enters has the important task of advising herein. Virtually all novices first enter Ärtucoŋ monasteries, but some of them are referred to a Toucoŋ monastery (the reverse is uncommon). The choice for the monastery where the novice enters as monk or nun is final, and for that reasons, it can take a long time to decide. Upon entry of the finally chosen monastery, the abbot of that monastery gives the monk or nun a new name (and in legal practice the name of the monastery becomes his or her surname). This does not mean that that monk or nun cannot study or work in another monastery later anymore, but it does mean that that monk or nun gets his or her basic education at that monastery, and is expected to return after study or work elsewhere.
Almost all monasteries are either for monks or nuns, but there are a few exceptions within the Toucoŋ sect. Toucoŋ sect monasteries also tend to be far more lenient with the Buddhist monastic rules than Ärtucoŋ monasteries (but even those tend to be more lenient than in some other Buddhist countries). That does not mean that there are no monastic rules; just that some of those that are considered less important (by the abbot and/or sect) are not strictly enforced. Among the rules that are strictly enforced is the ban on killing and eating animals (and killing in general), however: all monks and nuns are vegetarian, and so is a large minority of the rest of the Khusqaian population.
Every monastery is headed by an abbot. Before an abbot dies, he or she appoints a successor (from among the monks/nuns affiliated with that monastery). If no successor is appointed, the monastery is closed until it is taken over by a split off from another monastery. In Toucoŋ this occasionally happens when a new current does not find a home in any existing monastery. In Ärtucoŋ this usually happens when an abbot asks an apprentice to take over such a closed monastery. (This is the only case in which a monk/nun can change his/her monastery affiliation, and thus legal surname.)
The abbots of the Ärtucoŋ monasteries appoint a chief abbot from amongst their midst. The main task of this chief abbot is communication with the central government, kings in the past, but nowadays the chief abbot is a member of the upper house of parliament. As such, he is expected to also represent the Toucoŋ sect, however. (Which he does not always do faithfully according to critics.)
Khusqaian Buddhism does not allow begging. Although especially Ärtucoŋ monasteries get substantial income from gifts and legacies, this money tends not to be used for the costs of living and other daily expenses. Rather, all monks and nuns have to work for their living. Those that reside in a monastery, collectively produce their own food by farming. Monks and nuns that do not reside in monasteries have normal (albeit suitable) jobs. (But the vast majority of monks and nuns resides in monasteries.)
Buddhist philosophy
The history of Buddhist philosophy in Khusqaikama is largely determined by historical coincidences and personal interests. Indian Buddhist philosophy was imported and spread by Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra, and would become extremely influential. And many centuries later, the Arabian governor in Mongolian service, Tĭuŋ, would greatly impact the further development of philosophical thought.
general characterization
Contrary to the Chinese tradition, there never was a strong master - student hierarchy in the sense that students (especially in Toucoŋ) were not expected to uncritically agree with their teachers. Criticism was allowed, but often it skipped generations: criticizing one's teacher's teacher's teacher is a lot safer than criticizing one's teacher. This was (and is) most likely the effect of the moderating role of the Khusqaian tendency to avoid conflict. (In term's of Hofstede's cultural dimensions, Khusqaians couple high individualism and low power distance to (very) high uncertainty avoidance.)
Most Khusqaian Buddhist thinkers did not accept the doctrine of 'skillful means' as a hermeneutical device, contrary to, for example, Chinese Tian-tai (天台) thought. Two contradictory theories cannot both be right (but they can be both wrong), not even on different 'levels', but it may be the case that the contradiction is a result of misinterpretation. Hence, there are two ways out of apparent incoherence: rejection of what does not fit, or creative reinterpretation until everything fits. Both methods were used, and often even combined. By implication, large chunks of Buddhist philosophy were set aside as being wrong, but often later picked up again, reinterpreted and reintegrated (and other parts rejected). The doctrine of 'skillful means' was not rejected, however, but applied to the education of and performance of ritual for the masses.
Despite the strong influence of Yogācāra, Khusqaian Buddhist philosophy mostly adhered to a form of realism, often with perspectivist leanings. This was (almost certainly) the result of Chinese influence. Early Chinese Buddhist thinkers Tao Sheng and Sengzhao (3rd/4th CE) stressed that phenomenal/conventional reality and noumenal/ultimate reality are one and the same. After enlightenment, one still sees the same world, but it has gained new meaning and significance. This idea was a common part of most currents of Buddhist thought in Khusqaikama, but occasionally variants of Yogācāra idealism became popular, or forms of dualism that argued for significant difference between the phenomenal and the noumenal world. Throughout history various arguments - some more successful, some less - against such forms of anti-realism have been suggested.
Khusqaian Buddhist ethics was largely based on the Bodhisattva ideal. One should aspire to become a Bodhisattva, but even before being one (partly in order to be able to become one) one has to behave as one: selflessly help others to reach their enlightenment. This ethics requires the Khusqaian Buddhist both to help others whenever he/she is able to, but also to gain and share knowledge of the world.
The Buddhist core idea of 'no self' never played a central part in Khusqaian Buddhist philosophy. Generally, pre-Buddhist beliefs in reincarnation and 'salvation' by being unified with the world-spirit played a more important role in motivating ethics and certain other aspects of Buddhist thought (although often in a concealed pseudo-Buddhist form) than 'no self'. This is a major deviation (although one found in many more currents of Buddhism) and is reason for some to denounce Khusqaian Buddhism the qualification 'Buddhism'. Dissolution in the world spirit ultimately ends existential suffering (fear of (re-)death), but by selflessly helping others (Khusqaian Bodhisattva ethics; see above) and by understanding reality, one gains the knowledge of being on one's way to that dissolution, and thus to the end of existential suffering. And existential suffering disappears already with that knowledge. (In a sense, 'no self' still played an important role, but more as an ethical category than as a metaphysical one.)
Khusqaian Buddhist philosophy, for most of its history, was almost completely separate from political thought. Until the New Qĭaŋ era, the bureaucratic and military 'classes' were generally much more influenced by Chinese philosophy (a.o. Taoism, Confucianism, and legalism) than by Buddhism. Only incidentally did ideas pass in either direction, and usually this was the result of personal contacts and interests. (From the 9th to the 14th century, there was only limited contact with China, and virtually no new import of new ideas. Because of that, in that period Khusqaian political thought and non-Buddhist ethics developed in relative isolation from its Chinese source.)
main developments
Buddhist philosophy in Khusqaikama began with the systematization of the thought of Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra by Sattaxaĭra. Within that process of systematization, he most likely added many of his own ideas. Sattaxaĭra's philosophy became the orthodoxy (albeit officially as the philosophy of Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra), fixing most of the 'general characteristics' mentioned above in place.
In the 10th century, a debate raged between proponents of 'Chinese' and 'Indian' Buddhism, the latter being followers of Sattaxaĭra's orthodoxy, the former of various Chinese Buddhist currents. The conflict was never resolved, but gradually the Chinese imports lost ground or were incorporated, largely because contact with China became far less intensive and China itself and Buddhism in China lost much of their glamor (due to Chinese internal factors). (See also above.)
In the 13 century, the Arabian governor in Mongolian service, Tĭuŋ, introduced both monks and political thinkers to Aristotelian logic (or at least the Arabian version thereof taught to him at a Madrasah in what is now Iraq). He reached near legendary status among Toucoŋ monks when he proved that even Buddhist argumentation essentially followed Aristotelian syllogistic principles rather than the analogous kind of reasoning it expounds. After Tĭuŋ, the style and form of Khusqaian Buddhist philosophical argumentation were of a radically different nature than before (and than the Chinese and Indian models). Because of that, next to Taŋmicri and Taŋmaśra, Tĭuŋ, himself a devout Muslim, was probably the most influential thinker of Khusqaian Buddhism.
The non-Buddhist thinker Caxamiśra already formulated his extremely influential ideas about political philosophy, laws, and punishments in the end of the 11th century, but because of the strong separation between political and Buddhist thought, it took until the early 15th century before these ideas were extended and adapted in the context of Buddhist philosophy by Xĭüücĭuka. This was for centuries the last important development in Khusqaian (Buddhist) philosophy, which became increasingly scholastic.
In the second half of the 20th century, academic interest (at the new University of Qĭancĭeŋ) in Buddhist philosophy, and especially in comparison and integration of Buddhism and Marxism, emerged. After democratization this research program died, but more recently interest in comparison of (Khusqaian and other) Buddhist philosophy and Western (mainly analytic) philosophy started growing.